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This article has been retrieved
times since April 7, 2004
Volume 12 Number 13
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April 7, 2004
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ISSN 1068-2341
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Reform Ideals and Teachers’ Practical
Intentions
Mary M. Kennedy
Michigan State University
Citation: Kennedy, M. M.
(2004, April 7). Reform ideals and teachers’ practical
intentions.
Education Policy
Analysis Archives, 12(13). Retrieved [Date] from
http://epaa.asu.edu/epaa/v12n13/.
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Abstract
Reformers have been trying for decades to alter the
fundamental character of classroom instruction in the United
States, but have repeatedly been unsuccessful in fostering
significant change in teaching practice. Several hypotheses have
been put forward to account for this problem–that teachers
lack sufficient knowledge (hence we need more professional
development), that they lack sufficient will (hence we need
accountability systems) or that they disagree with reform ideals
or find other agendas to be more compelling in their classrooms.
This paper addresses the third hypothesis by trying to ascertain
what teachers care about when they respond to specific classroom
situations. Numerous authors have suggested that teachers’
beliefs, values, and perceptions influence their practices, but
most papers in this area focus on just one teacher or a small
handful of teachers and show how these particular teachers’
ideas influence their practice. We still have little idea what
kinds of concerns and intentions tend to be pervasive in
teachers’ thinking, and how these ideas differ from those
embodied in reform ideals. The paper begins by reviewing reform
literature and outlining its main themes. It then describes a
study of teachers’ interpretations of classroom situations
and their intentions for specific things they did in those
situations. From teachers’ discussions of their practices,
the author identifies the primary areas of concern that dominated
teachers’ thinking as they constructed their practices and
shows where these concerns are similar to, and different from,
reform ideals.
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One of the most persistent themes in American
education literature is a dissatisfaction with the quality of
teaching. Associated with this dissatisfaction has been a
continuing stream of reform proposals, each intended to rectify
these perceived problems. Urgent demand for curricular or
pedagogical reform, and proposals for what sort of reforms are
needed, have been so pervasive that historians have begun writing
histories of reform movements (Cuban, 1984; 1990; Gold, 1999;
Hunt, 2003; Tyack, 1995). Their message is that reforms do
sometimes alter particular features of schools, but that they
rarely alter the instructional core of education, that is, the
character of teaching and learning that most Americans recognize
as normal classroom life. Yet, undaunted, demands for reform
persist and a new proposal appears every decade or two.
What makes these various reforms important is that
they focus specifically on classroom practices, and turn our
attention to teachers. Several hypotheses have been put forward
to account for why teachers seem to unresponsive to reform: that
teachers lack sufficient knowledge (hence we need more
professional development) , that they lack sufficient will
(hence we need accountability systems) or that they
disagree with reform ideals or find other agendas to be
more compelling in their classrooms. This paper addresses the
third hypothesis. Perhaps teachers interpret classroom
situations differently than reformers would, and consequently
pursue different outcomes than reformers value. Teachers’
values have been shown in numerous studies to be important
determiners of practice (Aguirre & Speer, 1999; Artiles,
Mostert, & Tankersley, 1994; Brickhouse, 1990; Bussis,
Chittenden, & Amarel, 1976; Lumpe, Haney, & Czerniak,
1998; Pearson, 1985; Porter, Floden, Freeman, Schmidt, &
Schwille, 1989; Pressley, Rankin, & Yokoi, 1996). From
studies such as these, we know that teachers tend to implement
policies when they agree with them, to eliminate curriculum
content they believe is relatively less valuable, to represent
subject matter in ways that are consistent with their own beliefs
and values, and to interpret policies and guidelines in ways that
are consistent with their own beliefs and values.
One reason disparities may occur between teachers and
reformers is that everyone, including teachers and reformers,
holds multiple and sometimes conflicting ideals for our schools.
As a society, we want our youngsters to learn particular content,
but we also want them to be nurtured, to be developed into good
citizens, and to be motivated to participate productively in
society. We want teachers to be role models for moral and
ethical behavior and to create positive climates for learning in
their classrooms, but we also want them to be efficient and
goal-oriented. We believe all students deserve equal treatment
and resources, but sometimes we think particular students should
receive more. We are divided on whether children should be
controlled by external rules with consequences or whether,
instead, they should be taught to regulate themselves. We want
to socialize students to accommodate the prevailing cultural
norms, yet we want them to be critical thinkers; we want to
cultivate cooperation, yet enable them to compete in later life,
and so forth. These different ideas wax and wane in their social
popularity, and strain the education system. Several writers
have struggled to understand and to explicate the various
dimensions of these tensions (e.g., Cremin, 1990; Egan, 2001;
Egan, 1997; Berlak and Berlak, 1981; Tyack, 1995).
Another reason we might expect to see disparities is
that, both individually and as a society, we all espouse ideas
that are more idealistic and pure than are the ideas that
actually guide our everyday practice. Argyris and Schön
(1996) refer to these two sets of ideas as our espoused
theories and our theories in use. We may espouse, say
a principle of honesty, but in particular situations we routinely
violate our own espoused ideal. We do so for good reasons, of
course, and these reasons constitute our theory-in-use. This
distinction is important in education because we know that
teachers’ practices often differ from the kinds of
practices they espouse, and that they frequently describe their
own practices as more consistent with reform ideals than outside
observers believe to be the case (see, e.g., Applebee, 1991;
Cohen, 1990 ; Oliver, 1953). It is not clear, when such
disparities appear, whether teachers misunderstand the reform
concepts, and really believe they are doing the things reformers
advocate or whether they subscribe to the same ideals as
reformers but their practices consist of so many exceptions to
the rule that observers can’t see the rule itself. In
either case, the practices teachers actually engage in differ
from those reformers espouse and often also differ from those the
teachers themselves espouse.
Many contemporary authors (e.g., Brophy, 1989;
Richardson, 1996; Stigler & Hiebert, 1999) now suggest that
teachers’ beliefs about such things as the nature of the
subject matter, how students learn, and the role of the teacher
in promoting learning, are of central importance in explaining
teaching practices. Others suggest that teaching practices may
follow more from the inherent conditions of teaching itself. For
example, Labaree (2000) has listed several problems inherent in
teaching that most people do not see or are not aware
of: the fact that teaching cannot occur without cooperation of
students, the fact that students are themselves captive
audiences, the fact that emotions are necessarily part of the
work, and that, consequently, part of teaching consists of
emotion management; the fact that teachers are virtually isolated
from other adults as they carry out their work, and the fact that
most teaching situations are inherently ambiguous and subject to
numerous interpretations.
These two hypotheses–that practices are
influenced by beliefs and that they are influenced by the
conditions of teaching– are not entirely distinct, for
beliefs themselves could derive from the conditions of practice
and could, in turn, influence them. The combination leads to
questions about how teachers interpret their situations and how
they use these interpretations to construct their practice. van
den Berg (2002) refers to these interpretations as
teachers’ meanings–that is, the meanings that
teachers ascribe to the events they see in their classrooms.
These meanings, or interpretations, are important, for the
practices teachers construct will depend heavily on their
understanding of their situations. Of interest in this paper,
then, is the nature of these interpretations and the kinds of
intentions teachers adopt in response to them.
This paper aims to learn more, then, about how
teachers interpret classroom situations and decide how to respond
to them. It has two main parts. In the first, it reviews reform
literature from several decades and outlines some of the themes
that have dominated this literature. My aim in this section is
to demonstrate that, even though there are many conflicting
voices within this literature, there are also a few main themes
that have persisted for some time now. In the second part of the
paper, I describe a study of how teachers account for their
classroom practices. In this study, my colleagues (Note 1) and I
interviewed a sample of 45 teachers about specific classroom
episodes in an effort to learn more about how they interpreted
these episodes, what beliefs and values influenced their
thinking, and what actions followed from their thinking. The
intent of this paper is to contrast these rationales with reform
rhetoric to see whether, and in what ways, the values embodied in
teaching practices were similar to or different from the values
embodied in reform ideals.
Reform Ideals
Though there are many differences in goals among
pedagogical reformers, they tend to agree on a single premise
that motivates their interest in reform: Something needs to be
fixed. Some reformers perceive the process of learning to be dull
and dreary, some perceive classroom life to be stultifying or
oppressive, some perceive school knowledge to be uninteresting,
unimportant, or thin. One recent source characterized the
American curriculum as “a mile wide and an inch deep”
(Schmidt et al, 1997) These general perception have been
reinforced by researchers numerous times throughout the
20th century. For instance, in his 1932 Sociology
of Education, Willard Waller noted that school subject matter
was boring and irrelevant to life outside of schools. Later on,
Hoetker (1969) reviewed a series of studies stretching back
almost to the beginning of the 20th century, in which
researchers observed that teachers relied heavily on recitations
in their instruction and that these recitations consisted of
rapid-fire questions requiring rapid-fire responses, focusing on
trivial facts and denying students the opportunity to think much
about the content. Another literature review (Gall, 1970), done
around the same time, also noted that teachers focused primarily
on factual recall.
In the 1980's a spate of studies yielded evidence
that the school content tended toward banality. Like earlier
studies, these studies tended to attribute the problem to
teachers rather than to, say, curriculum materials or
administrative structures. For instance, in his study of
elementary classrooms, Walter Doyle (1986) found that teachers
transformed academic content into academic tasks, and that this
transformation frequently destroyed the original significance of
the content. Similarly, Linda McNeal (1986), in her examination
of secondary classrooms, found that teachers reduced complex
ideas to labels and lists, sacrificed depth for breadth, obscured
difficult topics and omitted controversial ones. Moreover, the
lessons she observed had been constructed by the teachers
themselves and were not designed to meet school objectives. Both
Doyle and McNeal attributed these practices to teachers’
need to maintain control over their students. Doyle argued that
routine tasks were easier to manage, and McNeal argued that, as
teachers increased their concerns about control, they were more
likely to trivialize knowledge and their students were less
likely to be engaged.
But reformers don’t necessarily take their cue
from research. Many reformers have offered similar observations
as they justified their goals. For instance, Mary Campbell
Gallagher describes the origins of the 1960's curriculum reform
by saying, “Disgusted with the dull and inaccurate lessons
in commercial school textbooks in science and mathematics, a
handful of scientists, mathematicians and educators . . .”
(Gallagher, 2001, pp 283). And when The National Commission on
Excellence in Education released its 1983 report, A Nation at
Risk, it opened with this dramatic statement:
We report to the American people that while we
can take justifiable pride in what our schools and colleges have
historically accomplished and contributed to the United States
and the well-being of its people, the educational foundations of
our society are presently being eroded by a rising tide of
mediocrity that threatens our very future as a Nation and a
people. What was unimaginable a generation ago has begun to
occur--others are matching and surpassing our educational
attainments. (National Commission on Excellence in Education,
1983)
So the perception that school content is trivial, or
even downright wrong, and that instruction is been lifeless or
uninspired, has been here a long time. And these perceptions,
whether correct or not, have motivated numerous reform movements
over the past half century. Though reformers disagree on what is
needed, and how to go about doing it, they all believe it is
possible to improve the content and quality of classroom
instruction. Their proposals can be grouped into three broad
ideas: the need for more rigorous and important knowledge, the
need for more intellectual engagement with content, and the need
to make knowledge accessible to all students (Note 2) .
1. We need more Rigorous and Important Content
The first persistent reform ideal is to increase the
importance of school subject matter and the rigorousness of the
curriculum as a whole. Sometimes this idea is captured with
phrases such as “more demanding” or “more
challenging” curriculum, and sometimes with phrases such as
“central ideas.” But there are many different views
about what makes knowledge important. One group of reformers
wants students to learn important disciplinary ideas rather than
lists of facts and figures. For instance, in addition to knowing
the relevant names and dates of the civil war, these reformers
want students to understand the causes and consequences of that
war. In addition to reading or reciting passages from
Shakespeare, they want students to understand the significance of
these passages. In addition to learning computational
procedures, they want students to understand how those procedures
work. In addition to learning the accumulated body of scientific
findings, these reformers want students to understand how science
works. Most of these reformers want students to gain not only
disciplinary knowledge but also the intellectual habits and
values of these fields.
But another group of reformers wants to give students
the knowledge and skills they will need to function in our
society. They want students to acquire the ideas and values that
define our culture and to be prepared for constantly changing
technology and for an increasingly complex economy. And they
fear that too much attention to the liberal arts will interfere
with their goals. For these reformers, the most important ideas
are those that are most culturally and technologically
relevant.
When the American Academy for the Advancement of
Science (1989) developed its reform proposal, it emphasized the
first set of ideas. It wanted students to learn not just
specific scientific knowledge but a number of ideas that had to
do with the essential nature of science– that science
assumes the world is understandable, that science demands
evidence, and so forth. This organization also emphasized the
importance of large organizing ideas such as equilibrium, systems
and so forth. Similarly, the National Council of Teachers of
Mathematics focuses on central mathematical ideas in this
passage:
School mathematics curricula should focus on
mathematics content and processes that are worth the time and
attention of students. Mathematics topics can be considered
important for different reasons, such as their utility in
developing other mathematical ideas, in linking different areas
of mathematics, or in deepening students' appreciation of
mathematics as a discipline and as a human creation. Ideas may
also merit curricular focus because they are useful in
representing and solving problems within or outside mathematics.
(National Council of Teachers of Mathematics, 2000, p. 12)
On the other side, this passage from the National
Commission on Excellence in Education illustrates the importance
of practical knowledge:
The people of the United States need to know
that individuals in our society who do not possess the levels of
skill, literacy, and training essential to this new era will be
effectively disenfranchised, not simply from the material rewards
that accompany competent performance, but also from the chance to
participate fully in our national life. A high level of shared
education is essential to a free, democratic society and to the
fostering of a common culture, especially in a country that
prides itself on pluralism and individual freedom. (National
Commission on Excellence in Education, 1983)
Although they differ from one another, all of these
groups share a perception that the knowledge currently offered in
our classrooms is either not very important or not very
demanding, and that the task of reform is to correct that
situation.
2. We need more Intellectual Engagement
The second persistent reform ideal focuses on how
students interact with school subject matter. Reformers want
teachers to increase students’ interest, capture their
imagination, or pique their curiosity. They want students to be
intellectually engaged with important ideas and to be thinking
hard about them. The notion of intellectual engagement is often
associated with progressive education, where the emphasis is on
physical activity as well as mental activity. One of the
earliest examples of the progressive version of this reform idea
is William Heard Kilpatrick’s (1918) proposal for
projects. Kilpatrick argued that the purposeful act was
the central feature of life itself, and that it should also be
the central feature of school life. He wanted classroom lessons
to be organized around projects that students wanted to do,
regardless of whether that meant building a boat, putting on a
play, or trying to solve a problem of some sort. All of these
would be more meaningful and engaging to students than would be
the sort of learning activities that teachers normally
assigned.
These twin ideas of meaningfulness and engagement
appeared again in the 1960's reform movement, which relied
heavily on a pedagogy called discovery learning.
Discovery learning was intended to ensure that students acquired
the most important ideas, that they thought hard about these
ideas, and that they found these ideas more meaningful and
engaging because of the way they interacted with them. Numerous
curricula were developed during this period, most in mathematics
and the sciences, and nearly all relied on complicated classroom
activities that were designed to promote students’
intellectual engagement with the content. Jerome Bruner, a
central figure in the discovery learning movement, defended the
proposal for discovery learning again in 1997, when he summarized
his original reasoning as follows:
Acquired knowledge is most useful to a learner
when it is “discovered” through the learner’s
own cognitive efforts, for it is then related to and used in
reference to what one has known before. Such acts of discovery
are enormously facilitated by the structure of knowledge itself,
for however complicated any domain of knowledge may be, it can be
represented in ways that make it accessible through less complex
elaborated processes. (Bruner, 1996, p. xii).
The importance of meaningfulness and intellectual
engagement appeared again in the 1990's standards-based reform.
Here is how the National Council of Teachers of Mathematics laid
out the meaning-and-engagement theme:
In effective teaching, worthwhile mathematical
tasks are used to introduce important mathematical ideas and to
engage and challenge students intellectually. Well-chosen tasks
can pique students' curiosity and draw them into mathematics. The
tasks may be connected to the real-world experiences of students,
or they may arise in contexts that are purely mathematical.
Regardless of the context, worthwhile tasks should be intriguing,
with a level of challenge that invites speculation and hard work.
Such tasks often can be approached in more than one way, such as
using an arithmetic counting approach, drawing a geometric
diagram and enumerating possibilities, or using algebraic
equations, which makes the tasks accessible to students with
varied prior knowledge and experience. (p. 18)
This interest in real-world activities is not held by all
reformers, but instead belongs to sub-set of reformers, referred
to broadly as “progressives,” who assume that the
inherent interest of the instructional task is an essential tool
for motivating students and engaging them in learning. Other
reformers criticize progressives on the ground that an
over-emphasis on engaging activities can lead to watering down
the curriculum and to spending too much time on activities that
do not have sufficient intellectual merit. They worry that
activities lead to hands-on learning but not to minds-on
learning.
Still, even non-progressive reformers acknowledge the
importance of intellectual engagement, for learning cannot
occur without intellectual engagement. Whether learning requires
the kind of activities that progressive reformers tend to seek is
a separate question. There may be other ways to intellectually
engage students that do not involve complicated activities.
Because of these disputes about the strategy for achieving
intellectual engagement, I retain the idea of intellectual
engagement in this analysis, but not the idea that this
engagement must be achieved through either progressive learning
activities or through direct instruction.
3. We need to make knowledge accessible to all students
The third persistent reform ideal reflects a
commitment to making school knowledge accessible to the full
range of students attending American schools, not just those who
are gifted or who are college bound. When Cronbach and Suppes
wrote their tome on disciplined inquiry in education, in 1969,
they put the issue this way:
The older form of education--transmitting facts
and rules of thumb, and issuing a lifetime certificate of
professional competence--has no validity in a world where social
goals, communication patterns, and even scientific theories are
changing constantly. At the other end of the spectrum, the
school is asked to instruct the children from homes where there
is no educational tradition and no preparation for responsible
intellectual effort. The nation, speaking through its local and
national leadership, is calling for the invention of new
educational methods that will wipe out the cultural depression of
the inner city. . . . Yet the reforms have not truly
succeeded. An International Study that compared the mathematical
achievements of adolescents in various countries showed that
American students have a proper understanding of mathematics as a
growing field of knowledge, but find mathematics more alien and
uninteresting than students in several other nations. (Cronbach
and Suppes, 1969, pp. 2-3)
In her reminiscence of the 1960's curriculum reform movement,
Gallagher (2001) also stressed the importance of universal
access:
I must emphasize that while the Curriculum
Reform movement benefited [sic] from national interest in keeping
up with Russia’s scientists, the Reformers themselves
believed so passionately in their subjects that they wanted to
teach all students, not just aspiring scientists and
mathematicians. Phyllis Morrison told me, “A thing that we
saw again and again, . . . is that if you treat science as an
open-ended exploration, all the students” learn
science. (p. 286)
Following the curriculum reform of the 1960's, the nation went
through a spate of federal legislation designed to increase
educational opportunities to students who had historically been
underserved. Congress enacted legislation creating the Head
Start program and the Elementary and Secondary Education Act,
which included a large entitlement for disadvantaged students.
These programs were followed later by programs for students with
limited English and for special education students. In each
case, a central purpose of the legislation was to provide greater
access to education for a broader range of students.
In 1983, when the National Commission on Excellence
in Education (1983) wrote its now famous A Nation at Risk,
it opened with this statement:
All, regardless of race or class or economic
status, are entitled to a fair chance and to the tools for
developing their individual powers of mind and spirit to the
utmost. This promise means that all children by virtue of their
own efforts, competently guided, can hope to attain the mature
and informed judgement needed to secure gainful employment, and
to manage their own lives, thereby serving not only their own
interests but also the progress of society itself. (National
Commission on Excellence in Education, 1983)
This third reform ideal is probably less contentious
today than it has ever been. Nearly all reformers, nearly all
citizens, and nearly all teachers, agree on the importance of
giving all students access to school knowledge. However, there
are still vigorous debates about how to achieve that goal, with
one side wanting to maintain a focus on important ideas and a
rigorous curriculum and the other wanting to focus on meaningful
and engaging activities. In his history of efforts to
“popularize” education, Cremin (1990) says this
debate goes back at least to the 1830's, with one side pushing to
expand educational opportunities and the other worrying that
expansion would mean diluting the curriculum.
For many advocates, the issue hinges on how much we
should focus on important content versus intellectual
engagement. It is not clear that these two ideals must
necessarily be mutually exclusive, but advocates frequently pit
them against one another, forcing a complicated issue into a
simple dichotomy. Chall (2000), for instance, pitches
“teacher-centered” instruction against
“student-centered.” The former is oriented toward
important ideas and the latter is oriented toward meaningful
activities. For Chall, the former fosters student learning and
the latter hinders it. Similarly, Ravitch (2000) pitted
“progressive” education against
“traditional” education, where progressive approaches
emphasize meaningful activities and traditional approaches
emphasize important content. For Ravitch, virtually all
progressive ideas are anti-intellectual and lead to a less
rigorous curriculum. These dichotomies do not address the
fundamental nature of instruction, which is that it cannot occur
without both important content and intellectually
engaged students. Teachers must necessarily think about both
things at once.
My goal in this study is not to settle any of these
disputes, but instead to use these three broad values as a way
benchmark against which to array the ideas that guide teaching
practices.
Teachers’ Rationales for their
Practices
Method
To learn how teachers interpret their situations and
justify their practices, we observed and interviewed 45 teachers
as they taught a lesson of their choice. All teachers taught in
upper elementary grades. We sought teachers who taught in a
variety of reform contexts, thinking that this sample selection
procedure might increase the likelihood that the teachers had
been influenced by some type of reform message. For
efficiency reasons, we sampled clusters of teachers, that is,
teachers residing in whole schools or in clusters of schools
rather than visiting dozens of individual teachers scattered
about the countryside. The final sample appears in Box 1 (Note 3).
Box 1: Final Sample of Teachers
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Orientation of regional reform
|
Specific Policy
Initiative
|
No. Schools
visited
|
Demographic context of schools
|
No. of participating teachers
|
|
More important content
|
Vermont Portfolio assessment
|
1
|
Rural low-income white
|
12
|
|
Edison School
(Charter)
|
1
|
Urban low income Black
|
5
|
|
California science project
|
6
|
Rural Hispanic, farming
|
11
|
|
More intellectual engagement; universal access
|
Professional Development Schools in Michigan
|
6
|
mixed urban and suburban
|
6
|
|
All three ideals
|
State-promoted NBPTS certification (North Carolina)
|
1
|
Rural low-income white
|
10
|
|
NBPTS certification without state support (Michigan)
|
1
|
Suburban upper middle white
|
1
|
In the interview, we asked teachers to address very
specific things that they did in their classrooms, rather than to
talk about their general strategies or general aims. Following
Schoenfeld (1999a; 1999b), we reasoned that the values that are
relevant to teaching are those that are activated by the
situation. Therefore, we wanted to learn how they
interpreted each situation, how they responded and why they
responded as they did. The interview strategy consisted of
videotaping a lesson and then having both the teacher and the
researcher observe the tape and select some specific episodes to
discuss in the interview. When teachers received the tape of
their lesson, they also received a card with instructions, which
read as follows:
When viewing the videotape, be sure to have a
pencil and paper handy for notes, and be sure to have the tape
counter showing so that you can write down the counter times
associated with your notes or thoughts. (Press the
“display” button in the upper left corner of the
control panel).
In preparation for the interview, try to select
a couple of episodes that were interesting or important to you.
These might be times when
- something unexpected happened;
- you suddenly had an insight about what
was going on;
- you realize something now, in
retrospect, that you didn't think of at the time.
In the meantime, I will also watch the tape and
will select some episodes to ask you about. Mine may be harder
for you to talk about because they may refer to actions that were
more automatic or that seemed obvious to you.
Expect the interview to last up to two hours,
so that we have ample time to talk about both of our lists of
events.
The interview itself was relatively unstructured but arranged
to ensure that the following four issues were addressed for each
episode discussed:
- How they understood the situation, or what they
saw;
- Why they responded as they did;
- Whether their practice had changed over
time;
- If practice changed, what prompted the
change.
I address only the second question here, why teachers
responded as they did. Readers interested in the questions about
change are directed to Kennedy (2002).
Findings
Using this strategy of focusing on specific events,
the 45 interviews yielded discussions of 499 specific episodes of
practice. For all of these episodes, teachers talked not only
about what they wanted to achieve but also about what they saw in
the situation, what they valued, and what they had learned from
various reform initiatives. The transcripts revealed two
important patterns. First, there was a common pattern in how
teachers talked about their practices which appeared to reflect
their lines of thinking about their practices. These
lines of thinking may actually be an artifact of the way the
interview was conducted, but they were sufficiently widespread
and sufficiently powerful that they warrant attention. The
second general pattern was that teachers mentioned hundreds of
different intentions, and their intentions spanned a much wider
range of issues, or concerns, than reformers tend to think
about. Across these 499 episodes, teachers described 937
specific intentions for their actions.
Lines of Thinking
The first pattern had to do with how teachers laid
our their ideas. They generally started discussing an episode by
mentioning either (a) what they intended to do, or (b) what they
saw in the situation. For instance, when Ms Pass nominated an
episode that she wanted to discuss, she did so by telling us
what she saw in the situation:
I noted a bunch of different things. One was
that I realized at one point in the tape that a child had his
hand up, and almost gave up on me coming to him because I
didn’t see him very quickly. It probably wasn’t a
great length of time. But for this particular child who
isn’t down as having an attention deficit, but I feel he
does to some degree anyway. And I thought I kept better track of
making sure I was in closer contact with him. And found that at
one point he had his hand up for maybe 30 to 40 seconds, and he
was about to give up on me when I happened to --.[Ms Pass, 3rd
grade language arts, 25 years experience]
Ms Pass's perception of this situation includes far
more than the fact that she failed to see a child's hand raised.
She also realized that the child had difficulty learning and that
she apparently had failed to make sure she was in close contact
with him, even though she had intended to be. So part of what
she sees is that she was not achieving one of her intentions.
This approach to beginning a discussion was very
common. Teachers nearly always began by telling us either what
they saw in the situation or what they were intending to do in
it. So how teachers “read,” or interpret, their
situations is an important part of their lines of thinking about
what to do.
Once teachers had offered these immediate
impressions, we often asked for further elaboration (e.g., with a
question such as, “Why was that important,” or
“What is the significance of that to you,” etc) and
these questions revealed another layer of thought. The next
layer of thought that teachers revealed was a set of accumulated
principles of practice--specific rules of
thumb about how to achieve certain goals, how to respond to
certain situations, what to expect from students in particular
situations, typical patterns of student behavior, and typical
patterns of relationships between what teachers do and how
students respond. For instance, after Ms Pass noticed that she
had not responded to the student whose hand was raised, the
conversation proceeded as follows:
[Do you feel it’s important to address
all students with their hands raised right away or is it mostly
just this child?] No. I feel pretty much for all children.
Their question needs to be answered. And that’s another
reason why I have them not sit with their hand up while
they’re waiting for me, because lots of time they even lose
the question by the time I get to them. But if they take their
hand back down, because I’m engaged with another student,
sometimes they work out whatever the question was anyway. So I
don’t know that I feel that it’s absolutely vital
that I get to every child. And if a child puts their hand back
down, then it’s probably one of two things. The question
didn’t really pertain to what we were doing, or they really
weren't stuck, and maybe they just wanted me to see something.
Or, you know, these kids who tend to be stuck, and definitely
need my help will put it back up again when I go back up, so.
[Ms Pass, 3rd grade language arts, 25 years experience]
Here, Ms Pass has laid out a rather detailed
explication of what happens when students raise their hands while
the teacher is occupied with another student. Her general
intention is to ensure that the question gets answered, but the
question need not be answered immediately nor necessarily by Ms
Pass. Her principle of practice for situations like this is that
students do not keep their hand up while waiting for Ms Pass, but
instead should put it down. Her reasoning is that, if they do
this, they may work out the answers for themselves, or the
question may become moot anyway.
So standing behind teachers' interpretations of their
situations is a set of principles of practice that teachers have
accumulated over time and that codify patterns of student
behavior, patterns of teacher behavior, the myriad relationships
between what teachers do and what students do, and some rules of
thumb about how to respond to particular types of situations.
These principles of practice represent teachers' understanding of
how the system of teaching and learning works within their
classroom settings.
Sometimes, but not always, teachers also referred to
principles that they had acquired elsewhere, as from a
professional development program or from a state policy. For
instance, a teacher might refer to a principle of practice having
to do with student motivation, and say that she (Note 4) acquired this idea at a
workshop, or she might refer to a policy having to do with
grading practices. So principles of practice can derive both
from experience and from institutional policies and
guidelines.
There is an another layer of ideas that extends even
deeper still, for teachers often justified their principles of
practice by referring to a set of standing beliefs and values
that they may have held since childhood, or at least have held
for many years, about such fundamental things as how students
learn, what motivates them, and what the teachers’ role
should be in the classroom.
The line of thinking that generally comes out from a
discussion of an episode, then, suggests that the most immediate
thing in the teachers’ awareness is her interpretation of
the situation and her intentions for doing something about it.
But behind these ideas are a set of accumulated principles of
practice that codify the teachers’ understandings of how
classroom life works, and standing behind those principles of
practice are a set of standing beliefs and values about the
fundamental nature of teaching, learning, motivation, subject
matter and so forth. In our interviews, teachers generally
started by describing their intentions or by describing what they
saw in the particular situation, then they moved back to their
principles of practice, and then even further back to their
standing beliefs and values. Teachers repeatedly used this
general form when they laid out their accounts of their
practices. The general form of their lines of reasoning is shown
in Box 2.
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Box 2: General Form of Teachers’ Lines of
Thinking

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Though teachers laid out their ideas by starting on the right
side and moving to the left, the sense of the conversation was
that the ideas themselves developed sequentially moving from the
left to the right. That is, ideas in boxes on the left were
always brought up to justify the ideas to their immediate right.
If a teacher first announced an intention, and we asked for more
information, she would typically move to her interpretation of
the situation. If we asked for further elaboration, she would
move to her principles of practice. The sequence suggests that
each newly-revealed level of thinking is somewhat deeper and more
long-standing than the one that preceded it in the conversation.
The way these ideas were introduced suggests that, within the
teachers’ own thinking, the line of thinking actually
begins on the left side, with teachers' most deeply held, most
long-standing, and most general ideas about teaching and
learning, and it ends on the right side with specific situations
and specific actions.
The first box on the left, Standing Beliefs and
Values, includes ideas that tend to be deeply held and
relatively less malleable: general theories of student learning,
theories of student motivation, beliefs about the teachers' role
and responsibilities, and beliefs about the nature of subject
matter and what is important to know about it. Often teachers
articulated these ideas by referring to their own experiences as
students, or simply as human beings. The second box,
Accumulated Principles of Practice consists of
observations about classroom patterns and rules and strategies
for interacting with students. These principles appear to be
have been built up in a manner that is consistent with the
teachers’ standing beliefs. If a teacher believes it is
important to maintain control at all times, she tends to
accumulate rules of thumb that help her do that. Accumulated
Principles of Practice can include little tips and techniques
that teachers read about in a magazine or pick up in the lounge,
or general observations about how students tend to behave or how
they tend to respond to different types of situations. The
particular principles that are mentioned in a particular
conversation are those that are relevant to the specific
situation. Thus, a single teacher may mention different
principles when discussing different episodes of practice, but is
less likely to mention different standing beliefs and values.
Following these two left-most sets of ideas are two
other important sets of ideas: their Interpretations of the
Situation and their Intentions. These two sets of
ideas are formed in the context of specific teaching situations,
based in part on what teachers see and in part on their standing
beliefs and values and their accumulated principles of practice.
Finally, following the entire line of thinking is an action or a
set of actions that is justified by this line of thinking.
Two important points need to be made about these
lines of thinking. First, with only a few exceptions, these
lines of thinking are internally consistent both within an
episode and between episodes. That is, we usually didn’t
find conflicting ideas within a given line of thinking or even
within a given interview. For instance, in one of her lines of
thinking, Ms Defoe mentioned a standing belief that the
teacher’s role in the classroom was to always remain
calm and in control, and every episode she nominated for
discussion was an instance in which she perceived a situation
that could get out of control, but that she was able to stop
before it did. And in every case, she nominated the episode
because she was happy with her own performance. In each of the
episodes she nominated, then, she was congratulating herself for
remaining calm and in control, and for preventing minor
student infractions from escalating into major lesson
distractions.
Second, the fact that these ideas are laid out in Box
2 in a linear fashion should not be taken to mean that influences
cannot run in both directions. For instance, it is likely that
teachers accumulate principles of practice that are consistent
with their standing beliefs, but it is equally likely that, once
teachers accumulate a set of principles of practice, these
principles serve to reinforce, through instantiation, their
standing beliefs and values. And it is also possible that new
experiences can alter teachers’ principles of practice and
even their standing beliefs. For example, Ms Toklisch described
herself as a teacher whose practice had radically changed about 6
years earlier. She described the beliefs she had now but could
also tell us what she used to believe. All of her principles of
practice were consistent with her new belief system but she could
also describe her former principles. Even teachers who had not
undergone such big changes could easily say things like, “I
used to think that students needed more flexibility and freedom,
but I now see that they work much better with more
structure.” So standing beliefs and accumulated principles
can influence teachers’ interpretations of events, but
interpretations of events can also alter standing beliefs and
accumulated principles of practice.
A handful of lines of thinking do include
inconsistencies. Here is an example of one. Ms Buford (Note 5) is a fifth
grade teacher who has a difficult class this year. In
particular, it includes a boy, Juan, who is highly volatile and
prone to violence. Juan acts out a lot, has temper tantrums, and
gets into fights with other children. Buford wants to keep him
in class as much as possible, because she does not want to deny
him the opportunity to learn (one of the three reform ideals) and
because she wants him to learn how to behave in social settings.
But in fact she expels him frequently because he causes so many
disturbances and disrupts learning for other children. In
addition, she perceives the other children in her class as easily
distracted and excited, thus complicating the problem of
Juan.
One thing Buford has decided to do this year is to
maintain a very calm demeanor and a very calm classroom, with no
joking or extraneous comments at all, in the hope that she can
prevent both Juan and other children from getting overly excited
and rambunctious. That means that she herself needs to be very
calm and that she needs to avoid any actions that might incite
Juan or the class as a whole. The “action” in this
case, then, is a calm, deliberate, even boring, persona. Box 3
shows Buford’s Line of thinking.
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Box 3: Ms Buford’s Line of Thinking about her Calm
Persona

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A close look at Buford’s line of thinking
reveals conflicting ideas. Some of Buford’s standing
beliefs are consistent with reform: She wants to be enthusiastic
about her teaching, believes students should participate in a
variety of activities, and that they should share ideas. These
ideas suggest that she wants high intellectual engagement, a
reform ideal. She also notes that, for all of this to happen,
students also need to learn to cooperate and to listen. Also
consistent with this theme is a principle of practice that she
acquired from a recent workshop that encouraged teachers to
promote children’s internal motivations and to reduce their
dependence on external consequences as a way to motivate
students. All of these beliefs and values suggest that her ideal
classroom is one that is exciting and filled with discussion
about mathematical ideas.
But there is a second theme in her thinking as well,
one that has to do with being on task. Among her principles of
practice, for instance, is the observation that students get
easily distracted and that it is very difficult to bring them
back once this happens. Associated with that observation is a
belief that teachers should serve as role models for being on
task. When she talked about the episodes we had observed, she
indicated that she sometimes curtailed discussions and
particularly discouraged any comments that might lead a
discussion off task. This strategy contrasts with the ostensible
value she places on children sharing ideas, but is still
consistent with a standing beliefs about the importance of the
teacher serving as a role model for how to behave in class, and
how to remain on task. So there is a tension here between the
notion of encouraging enthusiastic participation, on one side,
and keeping everyone focused and on task, on the other side.
Now move to her current situation, where these
conflicting ideas must be translated into specific practices, in
the context of this particular class. Buford perceives this
group of children as constituting a particularly difficult
class. She has many students who fall quickly off task, get
silly and lose the thread of the lesson. And in particular, she
has Juan, who is especially volatile, often violent, and who has
repeatedly incited other students. She wants to increase
Juan’s internal motivations for participating, but at the
same time, managing Juan while also keeping everyone else
thinking about mathematics is extremely difficult. She notes
that this class “wears her out. (Note 6)” Given her prior
ideas, and her interpretation of this situation, she decides that
she needs to maintain a very calm, deliberate persona while
teaching this class, one that soothes the group and keeps the
entire class on an emotionally even keel. She concludes that she
cannot be the enthusiastic teacher she wants to be. On the
contrary, she gives herself a number of specific prescriptions
for her own behavior. No joking, no informal asides, no
“pizzazz.” This is not a pleasant outcome for
Buford, who noted with disappointment, when observing the
videotape, that the class is slow and even boring, but who also
argued that this was a necessary climate for this particular
group of students. In effect, Buford trades one reform ideal
– intellectual engagement -- for another reform ideal:
providing all of her children, including Juan, access to
knowledge.
Buford’s line of thinking illustrates the
number and variety of things that can influence teachers’
intentions and actions, but it also shows that these ideas can
contradict one another. In Buford’s case, she has a
conflict between her standing value of having children share
ideas with an enthusiastic teacher and her perception of this
particular class as being too volatile to respond appropriately
to such a climate. She decides, reluctantly, to adopt a persona
that verges on boring. In spite of this, or perhaps because of
it, the class wears her out.
The actions she took are consistent with some of her
prior ideas but inconsistent with others, and the pattern also
helps us understand how Buford responds to outside reform
initiatives. For instance, as a reform initiative, the workshop
that encouraged her to increase students’ internal
motivations influenced her line of thinking but failed to
influence her practices in this classroom, and Buford’s
testimony suggests that the reason for the failure had do with
the particular circumstances of her teaching situation. In this
case, then, the line of thinking helps us see how the interplay
of beliefs and values, accumulated principles of practice, and
the conditions of practice itself lead to a particular
practice.
Teachers’ Intentions
The second important pattern that was apparent as
teachers talked about their practices was the number and variety
of intentions that they mentioned. In fact, on average, teachers
had multiple intentions for each action. For instance, here is
how Ms Temple responded to a question about one of her practices
during a phonics lesson:
[You said something along the lines of,
“I see some different ways of doing it.” What was
going on there? ] When you have an “a-n” together it
changes the sound it’s “uhn,” not
“an”. So we call that . . . a welded sound. What
I’m looking for is for kids to recognize that; I have it up
on my board, they have it on their cookie sheets [The children
are arranging magnetic letters on cookie sheets. They have
separate magnets for “a” and “n”, but
they also have a magnet with a blended “an” symbol],
so I’m hoping that they recognize these welded sounds,
because it changes the sound of the actual letter. That they use
that so that they are thinking about what they’re spelling.
[Ms Temple, 5th grade language arts, 15 years experience]
Almost immediately after this, she offered two other
intentions:
[What was going through your mind?] I was
trying to look at who it was that recognized the aan as
the welded sound. And I was also making sure that they split the
word in the right place, by the syllables.
So when Ms Temple said to her students, “I see
some different ways of doing it,” a relatively simple move
in her lesson, her behavior actually derived from three separate
intentions: She wanted to get students to recognize the
“an” sound as a welded sound; she wanted to see which
particular students had in fact used the welded sound when they
spelled the word; and, meantime, she was also looking around to
make sure that the students separated their syllables correctly.
Such references to multiple intentions were very common in these
interviews.
It should not be surprising that teachers hold
numerous intentions for their practices. Society as a whole holds
multiple and conflicting ideals for teachers, and teachers’
ideas no doubt reflect all of society’s ideas as well as a
set of ideals that derive from their personal experiences.
Moreover, it should not be surprising to find contradictions
among teachers’ intentions. The number and variety of
things teachers care about, and the number and variety of
intentions they have for their practices, virtually ensures that
some of these intentions will conflict with others (e.g., Hammer,
1997; Lampert, 1985; Schwabb, 1978; Fenwick, 1998). Sometimes
internal contradictions can create “knots” in
teachers’ thinking (Wagner, 1987). For instance, a teacher
feel that she must stop being such a boring lecturer, yet she
can’t change her approach without appearing to be a phony,
yet she must change, yet she can’t . . . Wagner notes that
when teachers get such knots in their thinking, they experience
tension and the tension in turn can lead them to be more rigid
and less spontaneous.
But some understanding of the terrain of these
intentions might also help reformers. The apparent resilience of
teaching practices in the face of decades of reform initiatives
raises the question of where reform ideas fit in the entire
landscape of ideas that guide teachers’ practices. Perhaps
a map of their intentions can help us understand why teachers
appear not to heed reform ideals.
In our interviews about specific practices, teachers
volunteered numerous intentions for doing the things that they
did. From these 45 teachers, and 499 specific episodes of
practice, we eventually heard nearly a thousand references to
intentions. This is an average of slightly over 20 intentions
per person (Note 7). Understanding these intentions, then, is an
important step in understanding the origins of teaching
practices. Teachers’ intentions varied in both their
form (how they were expressed) and their
content (what areas of concerns were
addressed).
Expressions of Intentions
Many of the things teachers were interested in were
not expressed as goals, or as things that they wanted to
accomplish. In fact, many of them referred to things teachers
wanted to avoid, such as lesson disruptions. If goals
represent teachers' hopes, then classroom disruptions and the
like represent teachers' fears. The difference is important, for
hopes and fears are accompanied by different senses of urgency.
Psychologists have been aware for centuries that people are
“risk averse.” In financial contexts, such as
gambling and investing, for instance, people are more motivated
to avoid losses than to achieve gains (Kahneman & Tversky,
1986). Teachers, too, may feel a greater sense of urgency to
avoid those things they fear than to accomplish the things they
hope for. Certainly the language they used when talking about
avoidances indicated a strong sense of urgency.
Moreover, teachers’ intentions include even
more than just hopes and fears. A third set of intentions could
be called aspirations. These are things teachers want to
be, such as kind, sensitive, fair and so forth. Yet
another set of intentions were expressed as obligations.
Teachers felt obligated, or responsible, to their students, to
their colleagues, and to society as a whole. Finally, a fifth
set of intentions were expressed in terms of personal
needs that teachers wanted to satisfy, such as a need to
reduce confusion or to reduce emotional strain.
Notice that, even though certain types of intentions
were more likely to be expressed with certain types of emotional
valences, it is technically possible for any emotional valence to
accompany any type of intention. For instance, one teacher may
intend to promote intellectual engagement because this is
something she believes is important and wants to accomplish,
while another may hold the same intention because she feels
obligated to students or their parents to do this. The content
of the intention remains constant, but its emotional valence
varies.
So of all the things teachers wanted to do, only some
were expressed as goals, or as things teachers wanted to
accomplish. Others were expressed as fears, aspirations,
obligations or personal needs. These differences in how
intentions were expressed indicate the kind and degree of
commitment that teachers have to their various intentions. For
example, when we asked teachers what would happen if they failed
to meet an obligation, they usually indicated that they
would feel guilty, whereas if we asked what would happen
if they failed to avoid something, they usually indicated
a strong sense of urgency that they not fail. The phrases
that teachers used to describe their intentions, then, reveal
what is at stake for teachers if they succeed or fail, including
how much of their own ego is invested in the outcomes.
This fact was most apparent when teachers talked
about the things they wanted to avoid. When describing things
they wanted to avoid, they often described anxieties over real or
potential outcomes, and some even described their reaction to
classroom episodes with words like “panic.” These
emotions often came up when teachers feared that they might lose
students' full attention or lose control of the classroom, and
they often articulated a strong need to avoid these outcomes.
Content of Intentions
Several writers have attempted to devise taxonomies
of the things teachers or other educators need to think about as
they are teaching. For instance, Joseph Schwab (1978) argued
that curriculum developers must accommodate the four commonplaces
of teaching: students, teachers, subject matter, and milieu, and
the National Academy of Sciences (Bransford and Brown, 1999),
argued that an effective learning environment must attend to four
aspects of teaching: learners, knowledge, community and
assessment to support learning. Notice that there are
differences among these taxonomies. The National Academy did not
consider the teachers’ needs or interests as relevant to
the learning environment, and Schwab did not consider assessment
as relevant to curriculum. Neither taxonomy addresses the
momentum of lessons themselves, which is of great interest to
teachers.
Taxonomies such as these are usually based on
idealized conceptions, not on empirical examinations, so it
should not be surprising to learn that the intentions described
by these 45 teachers did not fit into these ready-made
taxonomies. However, they did sort into a few general areas
of concern. Two of these areas of concern had to do with the
problem of acquainting students with new knowledge: (a) Content
coverage and learning outcomes, and (b) methods of fostering
student learning. Two others had to do with moving students
through the work: ©) maintaining momentum and (d) fostering
student willingness to participate. The last two had to do with
the personal and social issues: (e) the classroom as a community,
and (f) the teacher’s own personal needs. Each of these is
area of concern is elaborated below.
Content Coverage and Learning Outcomes.
When teachers talk about content, their language
tends toward a sense of obligation–not to their states,
their districts or their administrators, but to other teachers
and to students. These teachers seemed very aware that they were
part of larger coordinated systems of instruction, and in
particular that the teachers who received their students the
following year would expect the students to have learned
particular content. They did not want to disappoint those future
teachers. With respect to their obligations to students, they
wanted to ensure that their students would be able to handle
state tests or to handle the next year’s curriculum. Box 4
provides a sample of comments from teachers that illustrate their
intentions regarding content coverage. The sense of obligation
is apparent in these excerpts.
Box 4: Examples of teachers’ concerns about
content coverage and learning outcomes
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[Are you doing it just because it's there? I mean could you
just decide “I'm not interested, so I'm not going to do
this?] You could do that. You could do that. It's up to the
person I guess. But then that would be in your conscience
because if you don't do it, you're making the kids lose out. [Ms
Abundo, 3rd grade science, 2 years experience]
[So you could probably teach whatever you wanted.] But then
I'd be doing a disservice to the seventh grade teacher who want
to do their job too. Then they wouldn't have anything to build
on. If everyone below me taught what they were supposed to,
heck, it'd be a lot easier to teach them. [Ms Joiner,
6th grade writing, 3 years experience]
As a teacher in North Carolina, we have to stick to the
standard course of study, and I follow those guidelines. . . .
It’s not a structured type of thing as long as we’re
teaching the standard course of study. . . . So my job is
sticking to that standard course of study. And yes, it’s
going to show up at the end of the year with the assessments that
we’re doing. Yes, in first and second grade in literacy
and in math. So those particular things are the things that
I’m looking at from year to year to see how well I’m
teaching those concepts and how well my students are getting
those concepts. And the results I’m getting at the end of
the year show that they’re, they’re getting what the
state expects them to get and to move on to the next grade level.
[Ms Fosnot, 2nd grade math, 7 years experience]
So when I look at kids and I’m saying they're coming in
and they're not reading where they should be reading, so
I’m going to have to work extra hard to get them on grade
level and I have two years to do that and there is a urgency.
There is a urgency when kids are in 5th and 6th grade and there
not reading on level yet. Instructionally, they might not get as
much instruction as they move on through the system out of the
elementary school, so there is a urgency. So these particular
kids for reading, this is really important for them now in there
life and I do believe with instruction that they’ll be ok.
That is where the urgency comes in. [Ms Jaeger, 5th
grade reading, 8 years experience]
[ So at the beginning you said you do this, repeating in
unison, kind of chanting almost thing that is going on, because.
You’re trying to accomplish what by doing that?] They want
the kids to learn the sounds that these letters make without
having to think about it. It becomes automatic. And if they
give them a key word, especially with the ---(?) because those
change so much. They give them a keyword so that-- for instance
in the tape, I think it’s the tape is playing, the sound is
when I say. At the end we do what is called the quick rule,
quick drill in reverse, where I, instead of saying the letter and
giving the key word and sound, I say “what says
'ah'?” And I often get the kids on that, because they want
to say a, when it’s really o. And I gave them the key word
there, o octopus ah. And the key word is there so that if they
forget they can remember the word and hear the sound o in it. [Ms
Temple, 5th grade language arts, 18 years
experience)
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An important matter within this area of concern is
the difference between content itself and teachers’
articulation of learning outcomes. Even when content is held
constant, teachers can articulate a variety of different learning
outcomes for that content. To see this distinction, look at the
intentions expressed in Box 5, all of which came from math
teachers in grades 5 or 6.
Box 5: Examples of teachers’ desired learning
outcomes in upper elementary mathematics
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[Math] is a whole different language. It’s got
it’s own language, and it’s own set of symbols. And
sure it’s about numbers, but you’ve got to understand
what to do with those numbers. And in Vermont anyway,
there’s a major emphasis on using math language, and
accurately applying math language. And yeah it’s about
numbers, but you’ve got to know what to do with them. And
I think a lot of kids where they run into a problem is with
problem solving. They don’t know what to do with those
numbers when they’re confronted with a problem. What
operation do I use. I spend a lot of time at the beginning of
school, I spent a lot of time. [Mr James, 6th grade
math, 6 years experience]
They really have not completely mastered metrics, as far as
I’m concerned, in any year that we’ve done it.
They’ve gotten it enough to surface-satisfy the
requirements and move on. Hopefully they’ll master it at
some other point. But this is really the first year they get
into metrics and I, I really don’t go for mastery at this
level. [Ms Todd, 5th grade math, 20 years
experience]
I wanted them to realize whether what she was saying made
mathematical sense or not and if I say “that’s a good
idea” then everybody is going to think, “Yep, yep, so
she’s right, and let’s just do what she does.”
Because that happens a lot. If I make a judgment, then they
just.– So I try really hard, especially since
they’re older, for them to be the judge. That’s why
I asked them, Does that make sense to you, or Does that seem like
a reasonable way to think about how we could find area.
That’s what I always try to do. [Ms Toklisch,
6th grade math, 6 years experience]
OK. On morning math, there came up a problem where we were
trying to find common denominators, and then I had called on a
student who knew the common denominator, but he couldn’t
tell me how to find the equivalent fraction. Say the number is
1/3, and he’s changing it into 79ths because that’s
going to be his common denominator. He couldn’t tell me
what 1/3 would be equal to in 79ths [e.g., 26/79] and what that
was called. And really I was wanting him to put a term with
it. He really did know the process, but he just couldn’t
put a term on it. And because of the review, I was trying to
remind everyone of the steps in the process, not just the answer.
[Ms Taswell, 6th grade math, 14 years experience]
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Despite the content similarities, the learning
outcomes these teachers sought were remarkably diverse. This
phenomenon was not unique to mathematics. Within each school
subject, the learning outcomes that teachers defined addressed
many different aspects of that subject. In the case of
mathematics, some teachers were more interested in mathematical
language and symbols, others in mathematical reasoning, others in
mathematical procedures and conventions. In other subjects,
though, similar variety was apparent.
Teachers’ discussions of content, as an area of
concern, reveal several important points about their intentions.
One is that their thoughts about content are often based on a
sense of obligation to their students and colleagues to cover the
content that is designated for their grade level. Another is
that they had their own ideas about what was important for
students to learn about the designated content, and the values
they placed on their content were remarkably various. Yet
another important point about their intentions regarding content
is that they rarely denied the importance of any content or
learning outcome. In our interviews, we often inserted
devil’s advocate questions, asking they why not do
something else. In the case of content, we often asked teachers
why not teach some other content. The most frequent
response was that the other content was also important, or that
it would indeed be taught in some other situation, but that in
this situation–for these particular students at this
particular time, this content was more important.
Strategies for Fostering Student Learning.
The second main area of concern reflected in teachers
intentions was fostering student learning. This is a concern
distinct from concerns about the content itself, and has to do
not with what to teach, but rather with how to
teach. Intentions that reflected this area of concern tended to
take a strategic tone that included intentions such as these:
- How or when to monitor
student progress;
- Modeling problem-solving
processes or thought processes;
- Defining learning goals
that are appropriate for these students, or adapting the content
to their needs;
- Helping students learn to
monitor their time, stay focused, attend, etc.
Teachers’ intentions regarding fostering
student learning are probably closest to what most outsiders
assume teachers think about. They indicate an interest in
keeping track of what students are learning and thinking, and
making sure students are responding in the way teachers had hoped
for. Box 6 provides some illustrative expressions of intentions
in this area of concern.
Box 6: Examples of intentions regarding fostering
student learning
|
[ Why do you ask students to give thumbs up or thumbs down?]
Well, one thing about the thumbs up and down is that you
don’t really know if they know or if they’re just
following what their friend is doing. A lot of times I do have
them writing things down and I walk around. That’s another
thing I like to do. I think maybe with the questioning
it’s just because it’s some of the coursework that
I’ve done lately, um, and its so much, there’s so
much emphasis on problem solving and thinking skills and so the
questioning, I’m hoping, helps them to think, to get into
different modes of thinking. So I guess that’s why I was
with that, more. [Ms Majordom, 3 rd grade math, 26
years experience]
Now, I purposely went to one of my harder words on my list
because I did not want to lead this group of good spellers with
the impression that we are going to work on easy words because
that has been a general cry that I have heard of teachers who are
working with more capable spellers that the kids think the words
are really easy. The words are too easy. [Ms Lafayette,
5th -6th grade spelling, 28 years
experience]
[Why did you pick that moment out in the tape, you said go to
this moment?] This is the first time that this group of kids has
worked together and I’m going to ask them right after this
to share with their group. It’s going to be really
important to me as their teacher to know what they have written
on that paper. If you taught for any number of years, you know
that anything could be on those papers. So you really want to be
aware of what’s there so before you turn them loose in a
group situation where they're sharing and commenting and asking
questions or whatever might happen in that situation, so I
thought it was important, I think instructionally to me,
it’s important to recognize that we need to keep track of
where kids are along the process, not to just instruct and move
on, that you need to know where each kid is individually. [Ms
Jaeger, 5th grade literature, 8 years experience]
|
As an area of concern, fostering student learning is
particularly important for teachers. Intentions in this area
justify many of the strategies, techniques, and devices that
teachers might draw upon to move students toward a learning
goal. Reforms that concentrate on the content itself, rather
than on how to help students learn content, are leaving this
important problem entirely in the hands of teachers.
Maintaining Lesson Momentum.
As an area of concern, lesson momentum gets almost no
attention from reformers. Yet in our conversations with
teachers, we found numerous references to the importance of
keeping things moving along, avoiding distractions, making sure
everyone was on the same page, and so forth. Maintaining
momentum was clearly a very important area of concern for
teachers and included such diverse intentions as these:
- Making sure materials were
ready and available;
- Making sure students
understood what they were supposed to be doing;
- Monitoring student
behavior and preventing disturbances;
- Adjusting procedures to
accommodate student readiness and understanding;
- Making sure everyone was
on the same page.
The most prominent specific intention within this
area was avoiding distractions. Almost to a person,
teachers indicated a strong desire to avoid distractions while
they were teaching. They said that small distractions tended to
escalate into larger ones, that escalation could cause them to
lose control of the lesson, lose the momentum of the lesson, or
lose students’ attention, and that these disruptions often
meant that they needed to go back and start all over because
students forgot everything that had happened prior to the
distraction. They worried that the classroom would dissolve into
chaos. Much of the discussion about maintaining momentum used
the language of avoidance and included a strong sense of urgency
that gives one the sense that the need to move through the
planned events in an orderly and stable way was urgently
important to teachers, not just because disruptions took time
away from learning, but also because they created emotional
distress for the teachers themselves.
It might be easy to assume that concerns of this sort
plague mostly novice teachers, and that they would not appear in
interviews with experienced teachers, but that was not the case.
Almost all teachers seemed to believe that the potential
for a major disruption was always present, and that they
had to be ever-vigilant to avert these disruptions. Moreover,
the fear of losing control was articulated even among teachers
who appeared to be quite composed. Often, the things
they saw that triggered this concern were so tiny that they were
not even visible on the videotape. They were often not visible
to me even on re-viewing the tape numerous times. Yet these
small aberrations were signals to the teacher that a potentially
disastrous situation could occur if action weren’t taken
immediately. Box 7 provides some examples of these concerns and
intentions. Notice that these comments do not all come from
novice teachers.
Box 7: Intentions Regarding Lesson Momentum
|
[What would it mean to lose a kid here?] Well, in the small
group, it wouldn’t be a big issue, because I’m in
very close proximity to all of them, and all I have to do is
reach over and touch somebody’s hand, and I bring them back
in immediately. But, in a large group, you lose somebody in row
2, pretty soon, they’d have their neighbor gone, and
they’re playing with pencils or something. And it’s
not a huge issue, because you lose kids all the time. All the
time. I’m not going to be able to keep everybody’s
interest all the time. But there is a general thing where you
don’t want to go off on a tangent, just lose everybody. [Ms
Dawes, 4th -5th reading, 13 yrs exp]
[So you said when you put them in groups they were out of
control. What do you mean by “out of control?”]
Very difficult to get them to listen, because they were sitting,
you know, in groups of four at a table. Even like during times
when they were supposed to be silent reading, then they’re
playing with one another and they’re fiddling at each
others desks and they're talking even when I was talking. It was
just real difficult to stop. It was real difficult for them to
stop talking and listen when they were in groups. They feed off
one another, and if it gets started--. They would get rude and
crude and nasty and mean and those were the kinds of things that
were happening. [Ms Awkler, 5th grade math, 9 years
experience]
[ So what’s the trade off here between having them
volunteer these things and not write them versus writing them up
on a chart in front?] Well timing definitely is the trade off,
and keeping them engaged because when I write, well the kids have
to wait till I am done writing. When you are writing then the
kids tend to goof off ,you know. They start losing their
interest and um or what the conversation is. [Mr Awles,
3rd -4th grade science, 9 years
experience]
We do have a lot of children that can’t keep their hands
off of someone else, rubbing up against someone, just touching
them to see if they can start reactions. And they’re not,
they’re just, they’ll say to you, if you ask them why
they have their hands on someone else, they’ll say,
“We’re just playing.” But to me that’s,
it’s not safe. The kinds of behaviors that the, just
touching, putting your hands on someone else or, that’s
just not safe. [What do you mean by “not safe?”]
Well, then you have the potential for a fight, you have the
potential for someone getting um…hit in the back of the
head. Someone getting knocked around, falling out of their chair
sort of things. [Ms Taswell, 6th grade science, 14
years experience]
[What would be the problem with them slouching down or bumping
into each other’s space?] It would cause problems, cause
fights. Like today um I had a student, Keith socked Shane in the
arm, and the reason was “he was on my desk” I guess
he kept asking him to move over or whatever. So that’s the
problems we get. We get the swinging under the desk, but if
everyone’s sitting up straight and my feet are down, my
legs aren’t swinging. Then I get the “he kicked me
from the side” but if their feet are this way. So it, it a
lot of problems I could avoid if I had them to sit up correctly.
[Ms Furth, 3rd grade language arts, 3 years
experience]
|
Many teachers seemed to believe that maintaining
momentum was an important step in achieving their learning
goals. How can students learn, after all, if they don’t
get through the lesson? It is not simply a matter of covering
the content; it is a matter of getting students through the
learning activities, discussions, quizzes and so forth that are
designed to foster learning of the content. Yet one criticism
reformers often make of American lessons is that they cover too
many details, that big ideas are lost in the details and that
students don’t have an opportunity to intellectually engage
with any of it. Many of our discussions with teachers revealed a
severe tension between the desire to foster student learning, on
one hand, and the desire to maintain lesson momentum on the
other.
Student Willingness to Participate.
The fourth area of concern reflected in
teachers’ intentions was student willingness to
participate. Teachers indicated the importance of student
willingness through a number of specific intentions, including
these:
- Keeping students
focused;
- Encouraging and affirming
students;
- Challenging and motivating
students; and
- Accommodating individual
differences.
Teachers tended to care about student willingness to
participate for two very different reasons. On one side, they
understood that students could not learn if they didn’t
want to. On the other side they also knew that they could not
entice 100% of their students 100% of the time to intellectually
engage with the content. Children are too various in their
interests and too easily distracted. So they frequently hoped
for a lesser goal--that their students would at least
cooperate with the lesson and learning activities and would
not disrupt the rest of the class. The strongest desire for
student willingness to participate extended well beyond the
desire to avoid disturbances: Many intentions addressed
students’ attitude toward classroom life in general or
toward their own ability to participate successfully. In fact,
the most prevalent specific intention mentioned was that teachers
wanted to respond positively to students. There was a
widespread belief among these teachers that students would
respond positively to the teacher if the teacher responded
positively to them. Box 8 provides some examples of these
intentions.
Box 8: Intentions Regarding Student Willingness to
Participate
|
I think every child needs to feel equally important in the
classroom. And that's why I shake their hands at the end of the
day. I want to make sure there’s a connection. I greet
them at the beginning of the day and make sure that I acknowledge
all of them. [Ms Mines, 6th grade writing, 26 years
experience]
. . . there’s a lot of kids that, once they get shot
down, they stay down. So I didn’t want to just deflate
anyone’s bubble by saying “no, that’s not what
we were doing” because there was a group that was reading
separately. [Mr Waffner, 4th grade history, 25 years
experience]
I try not to do anything that would be critical, even when
they make a suggestion or do something that’s clearly not
in the right direction. . . . If I say, “That’s
wrong,” it’s not OK. I don’t think you should
tell that to a child. I don’t thin you should say,
“That’s wrong. That won’t work.” [Ms
Buford, 5th grade math, 25 years experience]
[Why have you decided then to not correct it?] I wanted to
make him feel that he was making a connection. . . . So I was
hoping to kind of ease him and make him feel better about what he
had done. [Why is that important?] I really feel like their
confidence is going to be better and they’re not going to
be shy about answering questions. Every time they raise their
hand in class they’re taking a risk. And if they always
take the risk and fail, I am afraid that starts to diminish their
enthusiasm to participate. So, I always try, even if the child
gives a wrong answer, I try to say “that’s really
close, but let’s look at it this way.” [Ms Mueller,
6th grade science, 3 years experience]
I take, whenever the opportunity arises, the chance to say to
children that all of us have capabilities, but they may be in
different areas. [Why do you think that is important?] Because
there are so many kids that think they’re stupid, and dumb,
because they can’t compute well in math. Or because they
are a divergent thinker, and they just plain look at the world
differently. And kids need to know, “Yeah, you have an
important role to play, here and in society in general.”
[Ms Macciolino, 5th grade history, 35 years
experience]
[And what is it that you hope to accomplish with this project
as a whole?] That they have pride in their work. That when they
put it up they can be proud of themselves that “Gee, I did
that.” You know, that they’ll say to their mom,
“Take a look at my five.” So I think you have to do
those polishing kinds of things at the end to show that its nice
and its important and that they can be proud of the work they
accomplish. [Ms Pass, 3rd grade writing, 25 years
experience]
|
Many teachers believed that if students did not feel
confident in themselves and their ability to succeed, they would
not participate in learning activities and consequently lesson
momentum could be lost and the disengaged students would not
learn. The notion that self confidence or self-esteem was a
prerequisite to learning came up far more often than the notion
that interest in the content or a desire to learn might be
a prerequisite to learning.
Another theme running through these comments was that
fostering students’ self esteem was an independent
educational goal apparently distinct from other learning goals.
Teachers wanted to encourage students, to affirm them, and to
make them feel good about themselves and about their
capabilities. These passages also reveal an important tension
between the desire to affirm students, on one side, and the
desire to foster learning on the other. Several references to
the importance of affirming students came up in the context of a
wrong answer. That is, the teacher asks a question to Suzy and
Suzy provides a wrong answer. This answer provokes an immediate
dilemma for the teacher because she can’t let this answer
go, but at the same time she can’t do or say anything that
might suggest that Suzy has a problem or is inadequate in some
way. Because of their desire to encourage students , teachers
find wrong answers to be especially troublesome. Almost to a
person, teachers abhorred the idea of telling a child that he or
she was wrong. Yet, since students are novices at the subjects
they are learning, they are likely to often be wrong, thus
placing teachers on the horns of an often agonizing dilemma.
Classroom as a Community.
The fifth area of concern has to do with the social
atmosphere in the classroom. Teachers wanted to create a
particular kind of social climate in their classroom, and wanted
students to learn to interact with the teacher and with one
another in particular ways. For instance, they wanted order,
cooperation, politeness, turn-taking, deference, and so forth.
To this end, teachers mentioned one group of intentions that had
to do with their own persona, and importance of providing a role
model for students, and another group of intentions that had to
do with norms of behavior for students. The kinds of intentions
they mentioned included these:
- Maintaining a particular persona
- Modeling civility and
decorum;
- Being fair;
- Being honest;
- Maintaining personal
integrity;
- Being likeable;
- Facing up to and
addressing political and social issues that arise in the
classroom;
- Maintaining their own
authority; and
-
Reducing their own
authority.
- Maintaining norms for students participation and
interactions, including
- Ensuring that everyone
participates,
- Ensuring equal opportunity
to participate,
- Taking turns speaking,
cooperating,
- Demonstrating mutual
respect, etc.
Among these many ideas, the most frequently-mentioned
intentions had to do with their own personae. A variety of
intentions for persona were mentioned, and they were sometimes
contradictory. One teacher wants students to respect her
authority, another wants to befriend students and diminish the
distance between teacher and student. One teacher wants to be
calm and quiet, another to be enthusiastic and lively. Despite
this variety, a common premise running through these intentions
was the belief that the teacher’s persona influenced
student behavior and student willingness to participate.
Consequently, teachers tried to control their own movements,
voices, and interactions with students in ways they believed
would promote a more civilized classroom and a more stable
learning environment. Box 9 illustrates some of teachers’
intentions regarding their classrooms as communities.
Box 9: Intentions Regarding the Classroom as a
Community
|
One thing I try to do is be really open with them, and really
tell them how I feel, and listen to them. [Ms Aires,
3rd grade language arts, 3 years experience]
If I tell William he can’t, but I tell Marquise he can,
they might not like it but those are--that’s what I’m
saying and I’m the person in charge. It’s a
self-confidence thing for me that I’ve grown to respect
myself more, respect that I am the person in charge and that they
in turn respect me. [Ms Ames, 4th grade math, 1 year
experience]
I don’t think respect is something that’s taught.
Well, it’s something that’s taught through seeing.
Because respect comes in very many different shapes and forms.
But if the students see you showing respect to someone, they know
that it is a proper situation for a teacher to be addressing
someone that way, and then they may do it that way next time. [Ms
Damon, 3rd grade Spanish, 8 years experience]
As a first year teacher, I want them to know that I am in
charge, and it’s scary when you release them to work on
their own because anything can happen. And if someone walks into
my room, I want them to know I’m in charge. And when you
let them go, it’s hard to just sit back and let them go.
[Mr Sadowski, 2nd grade math, ½ year
experience]
I knew I had to accept it because again I can’t value
judge, and they bring what they bring to class. I can’t
expect them to bring to class what I want them to bring. They
bring what they bring. So if that’s one of their ideas,
then I have to get it up there. Everything they bring. I guess
if I start to say “No, I’m not going to let you share
that;” or “Yep, I’ll let you share that,”
then I become some judge of their thinking and then I’m
really not teaching them how to think for themselves and decide
whether things are reasonable or not. So I feel like I have to
take everything they bring and they brought that. [Ms Toklisch,
6th grade math, 6 years experience]
That’s not my style, to be authoritarian. I don’t
want to be the dictator, to say, “you, you, you,
you.” That’s not my personal style. [Ms Eckhard,
4th grade language arts, 6 years experience]
|
Satisfying Personal Needs.
The final area of concern that arose in these
interviews had to do with teachers’ own personal needs.
This is another area of concern that is rarely discussed in
reform literature, or even in hortatory literature, but it is
important to teachers, for they are unlikely to remain in this
line of work if they can’t find ways to make classroom life
agreeable. Among the many intentions mentioned in this area of
concern were these:
- Reducing mental burden of
attending to too many things
- Reducing emotional
strain
- Holding students'
attention
- Having some order and
structure
- Being true to one's
self
- Being interested in the
work
- Having a sense of
accomplishment
- Self improvement
- Being appreciated
Even though personal needs were mentioned less
frequently than other areas of concern, they were nonetheless
important to teachers. Half the teachers participating in this
study mentioned at least one personal need associated with
teaching. Most frequently, they mentioned a need to reduce
either the cognitive or the emotional burden. Both of these
personal needs appeared to derive from feeling overwhelmed or
confused by the number of different things they were trying to
monitor. Box 10 provides examples of these intentions.
Box 10: Intentions regarding Personal Needs
|
[Where did you get the idea of using a timer?] Well, I have a
timer because we do timed tasks for arithmetic. But actually
I’m using it for their work time because that way I
don’t have to pay attention to the clock. That way I can
just focus on what they’re doing and the clock is just
running itself. [Ms Sesnerson, 3rd grade science, 5
years experience]
It’s very hard [teaching in this school] because
I’ve never had to go home holding things on my shoulders as
I have here. It’s a terrible weight to have on your
shoulders all night wondering if that kid is going to come back
to school tomorrow . [Ms Damon, 3rd grade Spanish, 8
years experience]
I like to have things ready because it just makes things
easier for me, not running around finding, “Well,
where’s this, where’s that?” I feel out of
control if I don’t have those things ready. . .
That’s not a good feeling, when I’m not organized,
running around looking for something and not being able to find
it is not a good feeling for me. And when I, when I get
organized, that makes me feel good. It’s something I
don’t have to worry about. It’s just less stress
with that. So that, that helps me a lot. I think it makes me a
better teacher just because I’m not stressed, wondering
where things are. I don’t get rattled, and when I’m,
you know, if I’m going to be rattled, it’s going to
make it easier for me to maybe say the wrong thing, or just come
off the wrong way. [Mr Sadowski, 2nd grade math,
½ year experience]
Today they were helping each other with story problems. [One
student asked] “Can I help” “Oh please go
help! I’m one person! Please help them! [Ms Bowes,
5th grade math, 30 years experience]
|
In a sense, these references to personal needs follow
from the number and variety of other things teachers were trying
to do. It is not surprising that teachers felt overwhelmed,
given the variety of intentions outlined above. Teachers want to
cover important content, foster student learning, keep their
lessons moving along, increase student willingness to
participate, be ethical and even-handed with their students, and
encourage their students to interact with one another in a
civilized way and to participate equally in classroom
activities.
Summary of Intentions
Box 11 shows how frequently teachers mentioned
intentions in each of these six areas of concern. The first
thing that Box 11 reveals is that teachers mentioned more
intentions having to do with fostering student learning
and with maintaining momentum than with any other areas of
concern. This preponderance could reflect, at least in part, the
types of practices we tended to talk about, but it also indicates
that these areas of concern are highly salient in teachers’
moment-to-moment decisions. The third-most-frequently mentioned
area was student willingness to participate. However, as
teachers discussed this concern, it was clear that they believed
student willingness to participate depended more on self-esteem
than on interest in the content or in the learning goal. Notice,
too, that first these three areas of concern all have to do, in
one way or another, with manipulating students: how to maintain
lesson momentum, how to get students to cooperate, and how to get
them to actually learn.
Box 11: Main Areas of Concern and Number of Intentions
Mentioned within each Area
|
127 references to Content Coverage and
Learning Outcomes, including
- Obligatory content coverage,
specific required content or need to cover all chapters in the
text; and
- Desirable learning outcomes such as
acquiring factual content, learning to reason, or developing
appropriate attitudes toward the material
215 references to Fostering Student
Learning, including
- Specific teaching strategies such as
selecting appropriate content for students, adapting content to
student interests or capabilities, modeling thought processes and
language usage, and monitoring and assessing student
learning.
- Intermediate learning goals, such as
helping students learn to manage their time, to focus, to write
notes or use other study strategies, etc.
204 references toMaintaining Momentum,
including making sure materials were ready and available, making
sure students understood what they were supposed to do;
monitoring student behavior, preventing disturbances, adjusting
procedures to accommodate student readiness and understanding,
and making sure everyone was on the same page.
165 references toStudent Willingness to
Participate, including keeping students focused; nurturing
and affirming students, challenging and motivating students, and
accommodating individual differences so that everyone is willing
to participate.
123 references to theClassroom as a
Community, which includes concerns about
- The teachers’ persona as kind,
fair, receptive, encouraging, honest, strict, etc; and
- Students participation and
interactions, including ensuring that everyone participates,
ensuring equal opportunity to participate, taking turns speaking,
cooperating, demonstrating mutual respect, etc.
103 references toPersonal Needs,
including reducing emotional strain, reducing cognitive strain,
need for order, quiet, sense of accomplishment, need to look good
to colleagues, etc
937 Intentions mentioned across all six
areas of concern
|
Box 11 is also important for what it tells us about
the reform ideals. Two differences between teachers’
in-the-moment intentions and reform ideals are apparent. One is
that teachers’ intentions cover a much wider swath than
reform ideals cover. Even if all three reform ideals were
present exactly as reformers would express them, these ideals
would still be a small fraction of all the things teachers aim to
do. The second important difference, though, is that teachers
did not express their intentions in the same way reformers
express their ideals. The differences bear examination.
One difference is that no teacher indicated a
specific intention to ensure that the ideas they taught were
inherently important. Instead, for teachers, content was
important because it would be on a test, because it was in
curriculum guidelines, or because they knew the teacher at the
next grade level would expect students to know this content.
Teachers seemed very aware that their instruction fit into a
larger system of instruction, so the importance of any given
content was defined according to how well it fit into this larger
system. This finding suggests that reform initiatives that focus
on curriculum standards and student assessments might have more
influence than those that focus on, say, professional development
as their principal lever of influence.
Similarly, no teacher specifically mentioned
intellectual engagement as an important intention, but many
talked of the importance of engagement in general and of
the importance of student willingness to participate. Numerous
teachers recognized that they could not succeed if their students
weren’t willing to attend and to take the instructional
event seriously. The difference may seem slight, but it means
that teachers may sometimes seek learning activities that will be
fun, rather than intellectually stimulating, for
they may seek any kind of engagement without necessarily focusing
on intellectual engagement. This is an issue that cannot
be addressed solely through curriculum materials, for different
teachers can present the same content in wildly different ways,
ranging from dreary to fascinating to amusing, and many of their
strategies may succeed at sustaining students cooperation even if
they don’t succeed at engaging students intellectually.
Finally, teachers did not discuss universal access to
knowledge, but they frequently discussed universal
participation in their lessons. Again, this difference is
slight but could make a significant difference in how teaching
decisions are made. Ensuring that all students are participating
could be analogous to ensuring that they are all cooperating.
That is, the practices that teachers devise to achieve this
intention may not in fact ensure that students have equal access
to knowledge.
Interactions among Intentions
Because different intentions and different areas of
concern can conflict with one another, teachers frequently had to
make decisions about which intentions to pursue. Many of the
practices teachers discussed with us were constructed after
weighing tradeoffs or reconciling dilemmas among conflicting
intentions, and teachers often described their thoughts using
“on the one hand, on the other hand” terms to explain
their reasoning in particular situations. The problem here is
not the number of intentions, for even if they were cut by
two-thirds, teachers would have difficulty balancing them if they
all addressed different areas of concern. For example, imagine
a teacher who focused only on the single most prevalent
intention within each area of concern, thus reducing her
cognitive burden from 20 intentions to six. This teacher would
still be trying to do these six things simultaneously:
- Avoid distractions and
ensure lesson momentum;
- Cover content that
prepares students for the next grade level;
- Use teaching strategies
that foster student learning;
- Affirm all students at all
times to ensure their willingness to participate;
- Maintain a persona that
will promote an appropriate classroom community; and
- Reduce the personal
emotional strain that results from trying to do all the
above.
Even this abbreviated list of modal intentions would
be difficult to manage, for they would not always yield the same
decisions. Here is a particularly telling example: Ms Chalmers
was teaching her students about light and shadow. At one point,
she mentioned that we couldn't have a shadow unless we had have a
source of light, at which point a student responded that indeed
you could, because she had a kitten named Shadow. This comment
created an instant conflict within Ms Chalmers because she wanted
to respond positively to all of her students but she also wanted
to maintain the momentum of the lesson and did not want the
discussion derailed by this comment.
I was thinking, yeah, it was sort of off the
topic, and I was trying to acknowledge the fact that a cat could
be named Shadow, but what we were talking about was something
else. Um, I guess I was trying to expand what she was saying, to
move on to what we were actually talking about, rather than to
have it digress into something else, and to see what the
kid’s knew. What their understanding was. . . . I guess
my thought process was that I was acknowledging and thinking that
Shadow was a good name for a cat, and that we were talking about
shadow in a different context. To sort of move it to that and
not say, “Oh, that was a silly thing to say, or that
doesn’t have anything to do with—. . . . At that
time, we were in a little bit of a transition time there, and I
did have a little bit of time, and I could give her that
attention. But if it starts to be the kind of thing where
everybody is telling a story. [Ms Chalmers, K-2 science]
It is by weighing the momentary importance of
their many intentions that teachers construct their practices.
At any given moment, one intention may become a more prominent
concern in the teacher's reasoning. Across different situations,
different patterns of intentions will emerge, and across time,
different intentions may become more or less important in
general. Teachers frequently face conflicting intentions, so
that they are forced to choose which aim will take precedence in
a given situation. The most frequently mentioned tradeoffs were
these:
- Keeping the group on task
vs responding to one student’s confusion. Many teachers
discussed the ambivalence they felt when it became clear that one
student wasn't following the discussion. They feared that if
they took the time to help that one student get back on track,
they would lose the rest of the group. On the other side, they
don’t want to lose the one student either.
- Maintaining consistent
rules versus responding to individual needs. Many teachers
placed a high value on being fair and consistent in their
application of rules, rewards and punishments. At the same time,
they also valued accommodating individual differences and
individual needs and allowing that there are often extenuating
circumstances involved in a transgression.
- Disciplining students or
correcting them versus affirming them.
- Allowing students to
figure things out for themselves versus giving them an answer.
The dilemma here is that teachers tended to believe that students
need to work things through for themselves, but they often feared
that if they allow the time needed to do that, the momentum of
the lesson would be lost or some content would never be
taught.
- Pursuing an idea that
interests students versus moving on. Sometimes students become
too interested in a particular idea and the teacher faces
a trade-off between allowing students to pursue an idea versus
maintaining lesson momentum.
A close examination of these tradeoffs also suggests
that teachers tended to resolve their tradeoffs by focusing more
on lesson momentum than on other areas of concern.
So teachers have numerous intentions, more than one
for most of the things they do. Though these intentions can be
grouped according to the area of concern they address, the
groupings do not convey all of the relationships that exist among
these intentions. Teachers have a variety of beliefs about how
success in one area of concern promotes success in another, as
well as how progress in one might create a setback in another.
They also have different emotional commitments to different areas
of concern and they have different ideas about how to weigh them
all to derive at their ultimate courses of action. The landscape
of teachers’ intentions is both dense and complicated, and
intentions sometimes conflict and sometimes complement one
another. It should not be surprising that reformers have a hard
time creating a prominent place in this landscape for their own
intentions.
Discussion
Many studies have tried to reveal the reasons why
teachers do not implement reform ideals. My aim here was not to
shed more light on why teachers don’t engage in one
set of practices, but instead to learn more about why they
do engage in other practices. This examination of
teachers’ rationales for their practices suggests that
there may be substantial merit in the hypothesis that
teachers’ interpretations of classroom situations, and the
beliefs and values that contribute to those interpretations,
could account for their long-recognized failure to adopt reform
ideals. Whereas a reformer may interpret a classroom situation
as presenting an opportunity for intellectual engagement, a
teacher may interpret the same situation as threatening to
disrupt lesson momentum. Whereas a reformer might interpret a
particular student idea as intriguing or challenging, a teacher
might perceive the same idea as presenting a conflict between
responding to one student versus keeping the attention of all the
rest. Whereas reformers’ ideas could be summarized
according to three areas of concern, teachers intentions reflect
at least six areas of concern. Moreover, teachers hold numerous
intentions within each of these general areas of concern and hold
numerous intentions for most of their actions. Not only are
teachers’ intentions numerous and diverse, but they often
contradict one another, so that it would not be logically
possible for teachers to actually achieve all the things they
intend to do.
Teachers’ intentions also had strong emotional
valences. Teachers need a living environment that is
stable and pleasant for themselves, they are obligated to
ensure that students learn the content that is assigned to them,
they fear distractions and disruptions that will get their
lessons off course and perhaps cause it to disintegrate
altogether, and they hope to enlist students’
willingness to participate and ultimately to foster student
learning. These emotional attachments to intentions suggest that
different intentions carry different senses of urgency. For
example, the fear of distractions was strongly expressed by
almost all teachers and appeared to dominate whenever there were
two or more conflicting concerns within a given situation.
The three reform ideals were also present in teachers
thoughts, but they were barely visible in the complex landscape
of competing intentions and the multiple areas of concerns that
were important to teachers. Moreover, even when teachers
intentions appeared to be very similar to reformers’
ideals, teachers’ intentions were expressed slightly
differently than reformers’ are. For example, teachers
were often unable to reject alternative content, and instead
responded to our queries by saying that all content was
important, and that the content they chose to teach just happened
to be most important at this particular moment. Their acceptance
of all potential content may suggest that they have little or no
basis for sorting out content or for ascertaining which is
relatively more or less important. Instead, for teachers,
important content was content that fit within the larger system
of instruction.
Similarly, teachers embraced the idea of engagement,
though virtually none of them used the phrase
intellectual engagement. Moreover, even as they sought
engagement, they also feared that too much engagement could
hinder lesson momentum and could prevent them from finishing
lessons on time. This tension between intellectual engagement,
on one side, and the pressure of time and momentum on the other,
is something that reformers rarely address but that teachers must
address. Teachers also indicated that engagement was not an easy
thing to manage in a classroom with 25 children, any one of whom
may derail a conversation by misinterpreting an idea or getting
confused– or by, conversely, “getting it”
immediately and thus losing interest while waiting for others to
get it. As these dilemmas arise, the clock is ticking, and
teachers feel pressure to move along. And when teachers faced
tradeoffs among competing intentions, lesson momentum was most
likely to be the dominant concern.
The reform ideal that was most widely mentioned in
teachers’ rationales was the ideal of universal access to
knowledge, expressed by teachers in terms of universal
participation in classroom activities. Virtually all
teachers in this study expressed intentions to include all their
students, to encourage all their students, and to be fair in
their treatment of all their students. Even still, as we saw in
the case of Ms Buford, this intention did not translate
unilaterally into a practice that reformers would necessarily
admire. For Ms Buford, universal participation meant that
intellectual engagement had to be sacrificed, and that classroom
discourse had to be staid and dull so that a particularly
volatile student would remain in the classroom. Few reformers
have likely envisioned a situation such as Buford’s, nor
have they thought about how to resolve problems that arise when
their own ideals conflict with one another.
This examination suggests that reform ideals are
indeed present in teachers’ thinking, though in somewhat
different forms, but it also suggests that reform ideals compete
with numerous other ideas, large and small, that teachers care
about. Teachers interpret classroom situations in terms of six
different areas of concern, and rely on their own prior beliefs,
values and accumulated principles of practice to decide how to
respond to situations as they arise. The problem reformers face
may not be one of persuading teachers of their ideals, but
instead one of persuading teachers to weigh different areas of
concern differently as they make moment-by-moment tradeoffs.
Notes
1.
My colleagues in this study were Paula Lane, Brenda
Neumann, and Rachel Lander, all former graduate students at
Michigan State.
2.
Since the focus on this study is on the pedagogical
practices teachers use within their classrooms, I do not address
the plethora of reform proposals that address textbooks or course
offerings, school organization, market incentives and the
like.
3.
Note that, even though we selected teachers who might
have been exposed to different reform initiatives, the study is
qualitative and the numbers within each group too small to enable
us to make systematic comparisons across these groups. The
sampling frame was intended to ensure a variety of reform
contexts, not to make direct comparisons of them.
4.
Because most teachers in this sample are females, I
refer to teachers in general as “she.”
5.
Ms Buford, 5th grade math, 25 years
experience.
6.
All of the ideas mentioned in the line of reasoning
come directly from the interview. They are paraphrased in the
chart, for brevity, but nothing is imputed. Every idea mentioned
here was explicitly stated at some point in the interview.
7.
Throughout this paper, I tend to refer to the
number of times an idea was mentioned by teachers. To arrive at
these tallies I did not include single-line or single-sentence
references but instead tallied ideas only when the teacher
provided a relatively lengthier passage. That is, if a teacher
mentioned a goal or a constraint in passing I did not include
it. The tallies I refer to here include only those places in the
interviews where teachers provided a relatively well-developed
passage discussing a particular goal or constraint or concern
that was important to them.
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